Author: tind.posting

The BJP is known to benefit from bulldozer justice. Their two leaders, the Union Agriculture Minister and the Chief Minister, have been lovingly referred to as “Bulldozer Mama” and “Bulldozer Baba”.

The list has been collected by Multimedia Reporter Kashif Kavki. The Post is mentioned at the end of this article.

Ujjain – 2020

On Christmas eve. Bhartiya Janta Yuva Morcha and other Hindutva outfits rallied for the collection of Ram Mandir inauguration. Soon the incident took a communal turn when stones were pelted.

The source of stone pelting was pointed to Hindu houses and when the authorities went to demolish Hindu house. They pointed towards their temple and the authorities demolished Muslim house nearby. Full Story

Chandan Khedi- 2020

An estimated 5,000 workers of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) rallied in the street which later took communal turn. Stones pelted, walls scribbled and properties were vandalized during the incident.

The next day, the local administration in Indore partially demolished 13 houses in the minority-dominated Chandan Khedi village. Full Story

During the same time MP high court issued a notice to BJP govt Over 3 Communal incidents during Ram Mandir fund collection rallies.

Manawar – 2021

Hindutva groups entered Muslim populated locality in Manawar tehsil of Madhya Pradesh. They entered against police instruction and played high music DJ in the locality.

Soon the incident took a communal turn and stones were pelted from both the sides. Police arrested Muslims who were accused and demolished a Muslim’s house calling it illegal construction. Full Story

Khargone – 2022

Violence broke out during Ram Navami procession in Tavdi Mohalla of Madhya Pradesh’s Khargone district.Police baton charged and fired tear gas shells in a bid to disperse the mob. More than 2 dozen houses were torched during the communal violence.

Narottam Mishra said, “Jis ghar se pathar aae hai, us ghar ko hi patharo kaa dher banaenge”. Within two days of the incident, over 32 shops and 16 houses belonging to Muslims, which were served notices for illegal construction, were razed. Full Story

Dindori – 2022

Asif Khan had eloped with Sakshi Sahu while the Jabalpur Bench of the High Court (HC) granted protection to the interfaith couple.

Three shops belonging to the father of Asif Khan was demolished in the name of illegal construction. Full Story

Katni – 2022

On April 27, 2022, the 57-year-old widow Nirasha Nishad witnessed the demolition of her house by Katni Municipal Corporation.

The grandson of the building’s owner Ravi had been accused of molestation and theft, but he left the home over 20 years ago. Nirasha, living alone since her husband’s death, was forcibly removed from her home by police. Full Story

Sagabarkhedi – 2022

House of five poachers accused of killing three policemen in Guna district was demolished by BJP government.

The state government razed the homes of five accused, including Vikki Khan, Gullu Khan, and Shahzad Banne Khan, following orders from Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan. Full Story

Khargone – 2022

Tribal’s house is demolished by the administration. Forest department officials claim that the tribal man was building a home on encroached forest land, which was removed a month ago, and he was served a notice.

The house was sanctioned by Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojyna (PMAY). Later the tribal died by suicide. Full Story

Surjani – 2022

Five houses belonging to Muslim families were demolished over an allegation of stone pelting at a Garba pandal during a tiff that broke out over rash driving by a 14-year-old boy

Bedakhli order was pasted on the houses and imposed a fine of Rs 5,000 on each family for allegedly building a pakka house encroaching government lands. Full Story

Surjani – 2022

Eatary business and homes were demolished of five Muslim men accused of murdering a 30-year-old man on Diwali night.

A scuffle over smoking at a fuel station took an ugly turn with one Jojan Singh dead and another injured. Full Story

Mandsaur- 2022

On allegations of pelting stones at the Garba event, Mandsaur Police booked 19, arrested 7 and razed the homes of Zafar, Raies & Salman within 2 days of the incident.

Administration demolished the house calling it illegal construction. Full Story

Ujjain- 2022

Two incidents of violence during Ganesh statue immersion. In Ujjain’s Goyala Buzurg village, a Dalit procession was attacked by upper-caste men with stones, damaging the statue and injuring six people.

In Udaipura town, a Ganesh procession playing provocative songs halted near a Muslim locality, triggering violence after a Muslim woman threw a slipper at the crowd. RW demanded demolition of Muslim houses and it was demolished. Full Story

Sehore – 2023

Homes Built Under PM Awas Yojana Demolished in Madhya Pradesh for Road Project by the administration.

In total, 200 homes, shops, and even a temple were either fully or partially razed for the construction of an 18-km road connecting Ichhawar town to the Indore-Bhopal highway. Full Story

Bhopal – 2023

A colony where majority of residents were Bhopal Gas Tragedy-exposed victims or victims of the aftermath of the gas leak was demolished by Railways.

The demolition affected poor families, many of whom were Below Poverty Line (BPL) cardholders, left without compensation or rehabilitation. Full Story

Damoh – 2023

School run by Muslims razed over allegations of forcing students to wear scarves. Full Story

Ujjain- 2023

Bulldozer arrived with drummers and a music truck with loudspeakers to demolish a Muslim’s house. Full Story

Chhatarpur – 2024

Haji Shahzad Ali’s house in Chhatarpur, Madhya Pradesh, was demolished after he was accused of pelting stones at a police station, during a protest demanding the arrest of preacher Ramgiri Full Story

The BJP MP Nishikant Dubey recently made a number of polarizing remarks in Parliament with the intention of dividing Jharkhand’s Muslim and tribal populations. His comments appear to be intended to cause a stir and create division in the run-up to the state assembly elections. This is a thorough examination of his speech and the underlying intentions.

🧵Decoding Nishikant Dubey's speech in parliament

1. He started with the Tribals population decreasing in Jharkhand after the state was formed.
-Jharkhand was formed in 2000. Census was done in 2001 and 2011, after which census has not been conducted to date.
-So is he talking… pic.twitter.com/jNAsCUXMBX

— TIND Posting (@tindposting) July 25, 2024

Decrease in Tribal Population in Jharkhand

He started with the Tribals population decreasing in Jharkhand after the state was formed.

At the outset of his speech, Nishikant Dubey asserted that Jharkhand’s tribal population had declined since the state’s formation in 2000. He mentioned data from the 2001 and 2011 censuses, but he neglected to mention that there hasn’t been a census since 2011.

This begs the important question: is he relying on out-of-date information or does he have access to additional, secret sources of this data? It is challenging to confirm the veracity of Dubey’s claim because it lacks clear evidence and appears to be made to frighten the public. This strategy is frequently employed to sow doubt and fear, which can then be exploited for political advantage. Dubey leaves his assertion vulnerable to criticism and interpretation because he does not cite his data source.

Questionable Data on Tribal Decline

He said 10% of adivasis had decreased and no one in the parliament is worried about it.

Dubey continued by claiming that there had been a 10% decline in the tribal population and accusing Parliament of being blind to the problem. His data’s accuracy is seriously questioned if it is based on voter information collected at each booth. Since voters make up a small percentage of the population, there is no direct correlation between voter and population data.

For example, over a ten-year period, if a village’s population increases from 100 to 200, but the number of tribal people increases from 36 to 48, the percentage of tribal people would decrease from 36% to 24%.

This suggests that other populations have grown more quickly than the tribal population, which does not necessarily imply a decline in the tribal population. Dubey’s assertion that Muslims make up the majority of the newcomers is unfounded and seems to be an intentional attempt to mislead the public. Dubey’s argument appears to be an attempt to fabricate a false narrative by leaving out data regarding the Hindu population.

Targeting JMM-Congress Alliance

He specifically mentioned JMM+Congress Alliance in Jharkhand and said they are not taking any action

Comparing the results of the recent Lok Sabha election to the previous assembly election, Dubey mentioned a booth-by-booth increase in the share of Muslim votes. This claim is still unconfirmed, though, as Form 20 for the Jharkhand Lok Sabha election of 2024 is not available. Dubey is probably attempting to imply that the growing Muslim population poses a threat to the tribal community by bringing up the rise in Muslim votes.

The goal of this kind of discourse is to divide voters along religious lines, which is a popular tactic used to acquire political advantage. Dubey’s claim is still conjectural in the absence of hard data, and it is best to approach it with caution.

Fearmongering in Pakur District

Dubey asserted that Hindus in Jharkhand’s Pakur district are being driven out by individuals from West Bengal. West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Odisha are all bordered by Jharkhand.

Three of these states are governed by the BJP, while one is not. Dubey is singling out West Bengal as an example of a non-BJP state while ignoring comparable problems that might occur in states with BJP rule. This deliberate targeting is an obvious attempt to place the blame on political rivals and draw attention away from the BJP’s own failings.

Furthermore, Nishikant Dubey is attempting to instill a sense of urgency and fear in Hindu voters by introducing the narrative that “Hindus are in danger,” or “Hindu khatre me hai.” By depicting Hindus as vulnerable and in danger, this strategy aims to garner support from the community.

Call for NRC Implementation

Dubey’s proposal to establish the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Jharkhand is reminiscent of the NRC fiasco in Assam, where the BJP administration expended ₹1527.90 crores on an endeavor that ultimately proved futile and resulted in the wastage of public funds.

Dubey is trying to advance a divisive agenda that has already proven problematic in other states by supporting the NRC in Jharkhand. Many lawful citizens could lose their rights to vote as a result of the NRC process, which has drawn criticism for having the potential to cause serious social and political instability. Dubey’s demand for the implementation of the NRC appears to be an effort to further divide and mistrust the populace rather than tackling the actual problems Jharkhand is facing.

My Take on Nishikant Dubey’s Speech

I spoke to several politicians, journalists and socio-political organization regarding this matter in the past 2 weeks. As usual, the BJP is spreading religious polarization and hatred before the assembly elections. Just 5 years back when BJP was in power with Raghubar Das being the CM of Jharkhand this issue was nowhere to be found neither in state level or in national level.

An important fact that gets covered in all this is the development of Jharkhand. If we talk about Tribals then their land is being used by companies to set up factories. Tribals are forced to move to cities or outside of Jharkhand just to earn minimum wage for daily needs. Nobody is talking about this. Jharkhand’s minerals are one of the largest sources for the whole country but is it being used for the development of the people of Jharkhand?

The situation of Jharkhandi especially the Tribals has not improved in the last several decades. Who will talk about this? Bangladeshi infiltrator is an easy point to create a rift between tribals and Muslims who are peacefully living together at many places in Jharkhand. Narratives like this will cause hatred and violence and history tells it, how the BJP will benefit from all of this.

Be a part of spreading the Truth

The Uttar Pradesh government recently ordered eateries along the Kanwar Yatra route to post the names of their owners. This action has caused an uproar and prompted questions about its true intentions and possible effects. The government says that this directive is meant to keep pilgrims from becoming confused. But there are doubts about this directive’s genuine intentions given its timing and style.

Many think that this order is directed towards particular groups of people, especially restaurants run by Muslims. The government has been charged with discriminatory practices previously. Businesses owned by Muslims are under pressure. Owners are worried that more scrutiny and fewer customers will result from this directive. Many people have voiced their displeasure with this directive. In this article, we will talk about every incident and direction resulting from this decision of Uttar Pradesh.

The Clarification by Uttar Pradesh Police

The decision was made to “avoid confusion” among devotees who will travel on the route, according to Abhishek Singh, the senior superintendent of police in Muzaffarnagar, who was quoted by the local media. “The decision was made to ensure that there are no accusations and counter-allegations and that there is no subsequent law and order situation,” Singh was cited as stating.

Impact on Muslim-Owned Eateries

Numerous restaurants with a Muslim ownership base have voiced worries about possible harassment. Numerous entrepreneurs have expressed feeling singled out and intimidated. Organizations and community leaders have expressed strong objections. Social media reflects a split in public opinion, with both support and criticism being expressed. There is a lot of conjecture regarding the political intentions underlying the directive. Some argue that, given the order’s timing, it serves larger political agendas.

While civil rights activists emphasize ethical concerns and draw attention to the potential infringement on individual rights, legal experts contest the legality of the directive. The order could make tensions within the community worse. Previous historical examples demonstrate how such acts can widen societal gaps.

Tale of name change in Muzzaffarnagar

Muzaffarnagar restaurant owners have admitted that name changes are being implemented. An owner of a tea shop in Khatauli revealed that he was forced to change the name of his business from Chai Lover’s Point to Waqeel Sahab Tea Stall. Officials told him that this modification was still not clear enough, so he changed it once more to Waqeel Ahmad Tea Stall.

In the same way, another restaurant owner disclosed that he changed the name of his business from Shiva Dhaba to Vishambhar Nath Dhaba approximately ten days ago.

The town of Khatauli in Muzaffarnagar acts as a halfway point between Haridwar and Delhi. Villages including Bhuraheri, Bhangela, Budhna, Fugana, and Titana are among those along the 240 km route.

Role of a Hindu Leader in the move

The director of an ashram in Baghra, Muzaffarnagar, Swami Yashveer Maharaj, accused Muslims of naming their hotels and dhabas after Hindu deities during the Kanwar Yatra last year. He intervened on behalf of these establishments. He is still demanding this year that the names of fruit vendors and hotel operators who are Muslims be put up in bold letters.

After the move of Uttar Pradesh Police, Swami Yashveer Maharaj thanked the authorities for the decision.

Beef Exporters with Muslim names

Hindus make up four of the six biggest meat exporters in India, but Hindutva brigades harass and viciously attack Muslims. Racial unrest increases, particularly around Eid ul Azha, as a result of these unfounded charges. Hindu festivals honoring animals, which are infamous for their cruelty, go on with little investigation. The beef export market is dominated by Hindu businessmen, including:

Al-Kabeer Exports Pvt. Ltd.
Owners: Mr. Shatish & Mr. Atul Sabharwal
Address: 92, Jolly Makers, Chembur, Mumbai 400021

Arabian Exports Pvt. Ltd.
Owner: Mr. Sunil Kapoor
Address: Russian Mansions, Overseas, Mumbai 400001

M.K.R Frozen Food Exports Pvt. Ltd.
Owner: Mr. Madan Abott
Address: MG Road, Janpath, New Delhi 110001

P.M.L Industries Pvt. Ltd.
Owner: Mr. A.S Bindra
Address: SCO 62-63, Sector-34A, Chandigarh 160022

Giving credit is important! Facts, news and ground reports are collected from various sources. And collected for your convinience.
Sources: Scroll, Newslaundry

In the town of Purola, Uttarakhand which has about 35,000 inhabitants, the harmonious coexistence of a few dozen Muslim families and a large number of Hindu families started to deteriorate. These families relocated from various locations of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar to Purola over time in order to start businesses and live there.

Among them was Uvaid Khan, a prosperous man who came from Bijnor in 2011. Jitendra Saini, a mechanic and fellow transplant from Bijnor who relocated to Purola in 2021, operated his own shop across the street. As seen by their social media posts, Khan and Saini became friends despite coming from different backgrounds. They shared interests and even went to the gym together.

But on May 26, an incident would throw Purola into the national spotlight, shattering this calm exterior. The Times of India reported on May 31 that Khan and Saini were involved in an alleged “love jihad” case. The two men were charged with trying to run away with a Hindu girl who was living with her uncle and aunt as a minor orphan.

However, there was disagreement over the story. The Print offered an alternative explanation, saying the girls had been kidnapped by the men. Whatever the details, the incident caused a furor. Massive protests were orchestrated by Hindutva organizations such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Devbhoomi Raksha Abhiyan, who called the Muslim residents of Purola and the neighboring town of Barkot “jihadis.”

On 12 June 2023, OpIndia published an article titled “Tired of love and land jihad, Hindus in Uttarakhand take to the streets to protest: OpIndia ground report from Purola”. One of the Purola “love jihad” peddlers was journalist Anil Aswal. OpIndia spread the anti-Muslim hysteria and magnified his lies. Aswal stated on the website that Uvaid Khan “had been raping the young victim for about a year” in one interview (on the left).

Role of Anil Aswal, the journalist

Rakesh was placed in an unexpected situation in a quiet police station. Anil Aswal, a local journalist, approached him. His website, BBC Khabar, carried a striking resemblance to the well-known British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), despite any association. Anil gave Rakesh a document and urged him to report the incident so that it could be turned into a media-worthy “love jihad” tale.

The letter, written in Hindi, claimed that Khan had been pursuing Rakesh’s niece with the goal of kidnapping her and using the pretext of marriage to force her into prostitution. It presented a striking image of dishonesty, charging Khan with luring the girl and entangling her in illicit activities under the fictitious name Ankit. Remarkably, Jitendra Saini, the other accused, was not mentioned in the letter; only Khan was.

But Rakesh recognized through the deception. He declined to sign the letter and to turn it in as his grievance. “When there is no such case, why is the ‘love jihad’ angle being introduced?” asked he. Khajan Singh Chauhan, the Purola station house officer, who had observed Anil’s attempts to pressure Rakesh into using the fictitious complaint, expressed a similar level of skepticism. “The incident was not related to ‘love jihad,’” Chauhan confirmed.

Even though Anil Aswal denied any misconduct, he gave Newslaundry a copy of the letter to demonstrate his involvement. Adhering to the truth, Rakesh penned his own complaint, which resulted in Khan and Saini’s detention. The questionable letter was thrown away, but Anil’s actions had far-reaching consequences. Anil continued beyond the police precinct. He published sensational stories about a “love jihad” case in Uttarkashi on his platform, BBC Khabar. These pieces, which were full of hate speech, asserted that “Hindu organizations” were “on the boil.” Local WhatsApp groups helped Anil’s stories gain enormous traction, despite the fact that these allegations are still unsubstantiated.

Prominent citizens of Purola, including members of the VHP, BJP, and regional trade associations, took notice of the fake news. A Purola traders WhatsApp group banned Muslim members on May 27, and calls for a protest against the Muslim community started to spread. In statements, the Purola Vyapar Mandal and the Purola Gram Pradhan Sangathan urged people to take part in the demonstration.

The situation took a sharp turn on May 29. Fake news incited an enraged mob that set about looting Muslim-owned businesses and yelling anti-Muslim slogans, resulting in widespread unrest and fear. We spoke about the incident last year. You can watch the video below.

Incidents targeting Muslims in Uttarkhand

Muslims who returned to Purola days after the violence were told not to hold Eid gatherings even inside their homes.

Purola’s markets were closed and borders of Uttarkashi were locked. Section 144 was imposed by the administration. Slogans were being raised by Hindu groups in certain places. Hindu Mahapanchayat was going to be organized by Hindu groups was not authorized by the district officials.

Court busted fake news of Love Jihad in Uttarakhand

Uvaid Khan and Jitendra Saini’s trial, which took place over the course of 19 hearings from August 2023 to May 2024, was founded on grave accusations of sexual assault, kidnapping, and procuring a minor. These accusations were ultimately proven to be untrue, though.

Aashish Chunar, a 27-year-old RSS member who owns a computer shop in the community, called the minor’s uncle at 3:07 p.m. on May 26, 2023, which is when it all started. Chunar stated that he witnessed two men attempting to coax the uncle’s niece into a dance close to the gas station in the town. He stated that they were trying to transport her to the 18-kilometer town of Naugaon. The uncle’s first information report (FIR), which was submitted to the Purola police station, contained this information.

The complaint claims that Chunar took action, sending the men running, and then brought the girl to his shop. According to the uncle’s complaint, his niece was duped into going to the gas station. Saini called a tempo driver and Khan, posing as Ankit, tried to entice her into marriage and abduct her. But Chunar and someone else noticed her and came to her aid.

Under cross-examination during the trial, the minor’s uncle testified that his niece had not really told him anything about the incident. Rather, he had followed Chunar’s instructions in writing the complaint. In a similar vein, the girl’s aunt stated in court that her niece had only mentioned Chunar’s shop after she had gone out to get some clothes sewn, and that she had not mentioned the incident or named the accused.

Chunar acknowledged that Khan and Saini were not the two men he had observed conversing with the minor on May 26 when they were brought before him during the trial. Chunar, who became a member of the RSS in 2017, denied giving the uncle instructions to file the complaint.

The minor’s first statement to a civil judge on May 27, 2023, was refuted by her testimony in court. She said in her first statement that she was taken to the gas station by Khan and Saini, who then allegedly tried to make her dance to a beat, and left when Chunar showed up. She did, however, reveal during the trial that she had been coached by the police to accuse Khan and Saini, and she had simply repeated their statements.

The minor made it clear in court that the accused had not followed her and were not taking her anywhere. She added that they accompanied her to the tailor’s shop after she asked them for directions.

Judge Gurubaksh Singh came to the conclusion that there was insufficient evidence to support Khan and Saini’s claims that they had sexually touched the minor. As a result, he declared that the prosecution had not established their guilt beyond a reasonable doubt and exonerated them.

The minor’s allegation that they had coached her was refuted by the law enforcement officers engaged in the case. The Purola police station’s station house officer at the time, KC Chauhan, hypothesized that the girl might be lying because of mental instability. Chauhan is currently employed by the state’s vigilance department. The investigating officer, Deepti Jagwan, chose not to comment.

Ultimately, Jitendra Saini and Uvaid Khan were exonerated by the court and left free from all accusations.

A self-declared group of demonstrators gathered on Sunday, July 14, in the immediate area of Kolhapur’s famous Vishalgad Fort, purportedly to clear out what they perceived to be unlawful capture of land. As the crowd grew throughout the morning, tensions increased and a large police presence was necessary to control the situation. Eventually, the demonstrators were forced to retreat after being scattered by the authorities. But this altercation signaled the start of a string of violent events that would transpire later in Gajapur, with a specific focus on the local Muslim community.

On their way back, a group of extremists attacked the villages of Muslimwadi and Gajapur, damaging Muslim-owned shops, homes, and cars. It is crucial to remember that the people living in Muslimwadi and Gajapur had nothing to do with the alleged encroachment on Vishalgad Fort. Still, these helpless villagers were the target of the mob’s wrath. Many residents of these villages were caught up in a wave of unjustified violence as the Vishalgad controversy grew, which caused widespread fear and devastation in their Muslim community.

Muslims already left their houses due to tension

Many residents had already left the village on Saturday and relocated to safer areas, but many others were unable to leave because they had domestic animals to tend to. The closed houses were vandalized by the Hindu extremists, who broke windows and doors and uprooted tin roofs. They did not even spare the closed houses. Following this senseless violence, the Muslim community was further devastated by an attack on the nearby mosque, in which hammers were used to smash windows and minarets.

Ground report from the incident

In the name of removal of encroachment, houses and vehicles of the people of Gajapur village were destroyed by some miscreants without any connection with encroachment.

Video started emerging on social media showing a Hindu mob chanting Jai Shri Ram slogans while entering the mosque and vandalizing the property. In the video mob is seen using a hammer on the mosque’s structure. Some reports claim that miscreants tore the Quran.

As the JNUSU Elections (2023–24) get underway, Dhananjay, the United Left Unity presidential candidate, is making waves among the student body. There has never been a Dalit president of JNUSU before Batti Lal Bairwa, who served as president from 1996 to 1997. Dhananjay’s win will be very important considering the current political climate in the nation, where Dalits are suffering the most.

Since the University of Delhi’s Four-Year Undergraduate Programme (FYUP) was being opposed in December 2014, Dhananjay, who is a member of the All India Students’ Association (AISA), has been actively involved in politics. He is currently working towards a PhD at the School of Arts and Aesthetics.

Dhananjay, the youngest of the six siblings, is from Gaya, Bihar, a region with a long history of feudalism. You can be sure that caste discrimination was directed towards him. This stoked his desire to ensure that everyone has access to quality education and is spared the same forms of discrimination. His family lived in Guraru’s outskirts in a village with twenty houses, where he was raised alongside his parents and siblings. The villagers mistreated his father, a retired police officer, on the basis of his caste, calling him only by his caste name and showing him no respect for his official position.

Because of these encounters, his father encouraged him to study engineering in order to provide Dhananjay a dignified life. Despite having a strong academic record, Dhananjay was unable to gain admission to a government college because private education was out of his family’s budget. But the family, struggling financially, gave schooling top priority. In our society, the idea of social justice is not recognised. Our interests and academic record are always called into question, along with our merit,” he claims. Given Delhi University’s reputation for providing the SC community with high-quality, subsidised education, he enrolled in Aurobindo College’s BA in Political Science programme. After that, he attended Ambedkar University, which offered Dalits subsidised education, to pursue his master’s degree in performance studies. He then finished his M.Phil. in theatre and performance studies at SAA, JNU.

Activism in Politics

He finished his education at the Saraswati Shishu Mandir, an RSS-affiliated school in Ranchi, Jharkhand. He saw firsthand how Hindutva politics were being spread at school in nuanced ways that left little room for secularism. He also witnessed the way RSS shakhas were conducted in order to deliberately instill hatred and division in young children. Owing to the Hindutva ideology’s caste hegemony, Dhananjay—a member of the Dalit community—also encountered caste prejudice during his school years.

Some students, like Dhananjay, are able to develop a dream of an alternate world from an early age despite the best efforts to instill hateful ideologies in them in such RSS-run schools. Newspaper articles about the CPIML-led struggles of Adivasi and Dalit people in Bihar and Jharkhand were read by Dhananjay. He witnessed the state and corporations encroaching on Adivasi lands and the brutal demolition of impoverished people’s homes. He read the quotes from CPIML, an organisation that supported marginalised and Adivasi people against injustices committed against them. He was inspired by the CPIML’s class and anti-caste struggles because he was raised in rural Bihar and attended school in Jharkhand. This greatly aided him in joining AISA during his time at DU.

Dhananjay was touched by the issue when AISA began to oppose FYUP in 2014. He saw that because the FYUP would result in fee increases that would make education unaffordable, it would disproportionately affect low-income and marginalised students. It made sense for Dhananjay to connect with AISA, which had taken up the “RollBack FYUP” campaign, since he was motivated by CPIML. At this point, he joined AISA at DU as an organiser. He helped hundreds of students organise a successful AISA-led demonstration against the DTC’s policy prohibiting students from getting off red buses.

“I do leave politics because I think that the only way we can eradicate caste in our society is by bringing class and caste struggles,” Dhananjay declares. I don’t want the prejudice I experienced to continue. My goal is to bring about societal change that will enable all students to receive an affordable and fair education and give our young people respectable jobs.

His goal was to attend JNU, and on November 2020, the first day of his M.Phil. programme, Dhananjay participated in the ‘Re-Open JNU’ demonstration organised by AISA, calling for the return of the students who had been sent home during the lockdown in March 2020 and the reopening of the campus to all students. During this period, JNU was transformed into a fortress, making it impossible for students to go back to school. The lockdown brought to light the stark reality of the digital divide, which was creating the foundation for the learning gap. He and other AISA activists supported the JNU workers’ rights movement during the lockdown. In addition to advocating for the safe working conditions for sanitation workers and opposing the layoff of contractual workers under the pretence of a lockdown, he participated in AISA’s COVID Helpdesk initiative, which aims to provide essential relief materials, including food, safety gear, oxygen cylinders, and medications, to migrant workers, slum dwellers, and other informal workers.

Activism within Culture

Dhananjay developed as a writer, poet, and theatre professional after being influenced by Safdar Hashmi, Gaddar, and Kabir Kala Manch. He wrote songs and revolutionary plays for the Delhi-based cultural group “Sangwari,” which performed them as a form of resistance and politicised the working class. By putting on the street play “Machine,” Dhananjay significantly contributed to the striking workers’ positive mood during the 2019 DTC strike. He has traversed the nation, performing in more than 8,000 street plays. He has frequently given street plays in Delhi’s bastis.

Politics and society are separated by culture, he claims. Reaching the general public is facilitated by this expedient method. Expressionist mediums like theatre and music are understood by the general public. In his view, individuals can become aware of caste and gender issues and effect change internally by engaging in cultural activism. On the subject of the unjust imprisonment of Pricol labourers in Tamil Nadu, he gave a performance at Sabarmati Dhaba, JNU.

Dhananjay envisions a bright future for JNU, one that will foster its dynamic democratic culture in which students actively participate in discussions, dissent, and debates, regardless of the nature of their activism—political or cultural. His goal is to uphold the illustrious heritage of unwavering perseverance and dedication to the student body. He is dedicated to defending campus democracy, fighting against corporate takeover of education and commercialization of education, fighting against gender discrimination and sexual assault, and fighting for social justice and an inclusive campus.